Pete Buttigieg

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Pete Buttigieg

Template:TOCnestleft Pete Buttigieg born January 19, 1982, is an American politician, serving since 2012 as the 32nd mayor of South Bend, Indiana. Prior to public service, he worked as a consultant at McKinsey and Company, a management strategy consulting firm, from 2007 through 2010. A member of the Democratic Party, Buttigieg is a graduate of Harvard University, a Rhodes Scholar, and a veteran of the War in Afghanistan.He is competing for the party's nomination in the 2020 presidential election, and is the first openly gay Democratic candidate ever to run for President of the United States. If elected, he would be the first openly gay president as well as the youngest.

He is the only son of the late Joseph Buttigieg and is married to Chasten Glezman a - junior high school teacher at a Montessori Academy in nearby Mishawaka, Indiana.

Pete Buttigieg 2020 presidential campaign

Jose Garza connection

José Garza for DA August 12 2019·

Thrilled to talk to Mayor Pete Buttigieg re: his ideas to end mass incarceration.


He made the point that the work starts at the local level and is advanced by electing progressive DAs with Public Defender experience.

It’s time to reimagine justice in Travis County.

Campaign launch

Inside the former train dock of the Studebaker plant, the ceilings dripped rain while people waited, their breath visible in the cold air, for Pete Buttigieg.

Sunday’s announcement of his campaign for president drew thousands, with more than 4,000 inside and another 1,500 in an overflow area outside, where Buttigieg and his husband, Chasten, briefly addressed the crowd before the main speech indoors.

Before the doors opened, the line of attendees stretched from the west side of the former auto assembly plant to the intersection of Lafayette Boulevard and South Street. They didn’t care about the rain and cold. They threw on ponchos. They cheered. They wore buttons and stickers and waved homemade signs and placards.

They called the event a key moment in history. For others, it was personal.

Lee Buttala came here from Minneapolis to see Buttigieg’s announcement. Several years ago, Buttala, 55, was an activist in New York City fighting to get AIDS research and treatment funding during the height of the AIDS epidemic.

“It is wild, as a guy who remembers the days of fighting for AIDS funding, that we’re at this moment,” Buttala said, noting the history of Buttigieg’s run as an openly gay man.

Sam Wright, 24, who recently completed a two-year stint in Colombia with the Peace Corps, drove across the country on a motorcycle to be at Sunday’s rally. Originally from Everett, Wash.,

Fatima Tucker, a 44-year-old mother of five, has never been involved in politics before and had never been to a campaign rally. The South Haven, Mich., resident drove here on Sunday with her dad, Tom, because Buttigieg inspired her to get involved.

Not everyone in downtown South Bend on Sunday was thrilled with Buttigieg’s campaign announcement.

A handful of protesters stood outside the County-City Building, holding signs saying “homelessness is not a crime” and “our homeless have rights.”

The demonstration was organized by Tonna Robinson, who said she was approached by a homeless man to help organize the protest after two homeless encampments were taken down by the city.

And closer to the rally, Paul Mishler and a handful of others stood on a corner with a sign that said “Open your hearts to Palestine and Golan.”

Though it was not an explicit anti-Buttigieg protest, Mishler said the group of peace activists wanted to push the mayor-turned-presidential-candidate to toughen his stance on Israeli-Palestinian policy, with a stronger focus on helping Palestinians.

“He’s a kind person and has been a good mayor,” Mishler said. “I don’t agree with him on everything, but we’re out here because we want to kind of push him on foreign policy.”

Before the rally, Derika Mercer and her 12-year-old daughter waited in line amid the drizzling rain.

They made the drive from Louisville, Ky.

“He’s the kind of thoughtful leader we need,” said Mercer, who wore a clear poncho over her clothes and held a handmade sign reading “Bluegrass for Buttigieg.” “His intelligence, his faithfulness, and his overall demeanor impress me. I’m eager to hear his policies.”

“I feel like with every politician, even if I like them, there’s some point that they have that I can’t defend,” said Grayson Sanborn, who flew into Chicago from Colorado on Friday and then drove to South Bend Saturday. “But with Pete, I don’t feel that way. There’s nothing I can’t defend.”[1]

Supporting busdrivers strike

Richard Bensinger July 7 2019· Pete Buttigieg supports Martha's Vineyard busdrivers strike.


With Richard Townes and Virginia Diamond. Vicki Maciel and Rachel Bensinger also posed with Buttigieg.[2]

Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg met with striking VTA drivers before a fundraising event at the Martha’s Vineyard Regional High School Saturday July 6 2019, expressing support for their cause amid a broader defense of organized labor nationwide.


With the high school’s green room plastered in signs as the strike enters its second week, the mayor of South Bend listened and asked questions for 15 minutes as nearly 20 full-time drivers discussed their struggle to negotiate a contract with TCI, a company the VTA subcontracts to employ and hire drivers. Although 21 drivers went on strike last Friday, the transit authority has kept buses running with a combination of managers and replacement drivers behind the wheel.

On Saturday , Mr. Buttigieg framed his understanding of the drivers’ strike within the American narrative of using organized labor to combat wage stagnation.

“One of the reasons everyone is following your story closely right now,” Mr. Buttigieg he told the roomful of drivers, “is that we have a case where at least as I understand it, there’s been a real resistance to making it possible to organize. So I’m here to hear a little bit more about what you’re up against . . . and to also let you know that I’m supportive, and make sure that I can understand your story so that I can share it.”

The meeting with the drivers was a prelude to a sold-out event at the high school performing arts center where the Indiana mayor went on the stump before a crowd of some 800 people.

But before that Mr. Buttigieg promised he would share the drivers’ story on the campaign trail.

“I’m going to be keeping in touch, and I’m going to be looking for good news from Martha’s Vineyard and please let us know how I can be supportive,” he said. “But also know that I’ll be letting others know about your story, because I think it can inspire a lot of other people in other places...hang in there.”

Drivers and their families then filed into the PAC, where they were greeted with applause and a standing ovation from those attending Mr Buttigieg’s campaign event.[3]

Virginia Diamond June 30 ·


Cape Cod Democratic Socialists of America On the Picket Line — in Edgartown, Massachusetts.

Key campaign staff

Anthony Mercurio, the campaign's national investment director, and Swati Mylavarapu, the national investment chair. [4]

In October 2019 Buttigieg has hired a former Goldman Sachs vice president and Google executive to run his policy shop

Sonal Shah, now executive director of the Beeck Center for Social Impact and Innovation at Georgetown University, will be the campaign’s national policy director.

Shah worked at Goldman Sachs from 2004 to 2007 as a vice president. She then worked for Google as its head of global development initiatives from 2007 to 2009.[5]

Frank Bruni connection

Few in the national political world had heard of the then-34-year-old South Bend, Indiana, mayor when New York Times columnist Frank Bruni went out to dinner with former Obama strategist David Axelrod.

It was spring 2016, as two candidates with a combined age of 142 vied for the party’s presidential nomination. Which young Democrats, Bruni asked, could one day lead the party?

“The very first name out of his mouth was Pete Buttigieg.” Bruni recalled in an interview with POLITICO. Bruni soon headed to South Bend, where he spent a couple days with the mayor, who just a year earlier had come out as gay. Bruni wrote a June 2016 column headlined, “The First Gay President?”

Now three-plus years later, Buttigieg has emerged at a top-tier 2020 presidential contender, recently surging atop the pack in Iowa, and Bruni’s question looks prescient. It also looks, in at least a small way, like a self-fulfilling prophesy. That 2016 column was the first of numerous Times pieces, many by Bruni himself, to call attention to Buttigieg’s talents.

Two weeks after his initial column, Bruni included Buttigieg on his list of 14 young Democrats to watch, along with other emerging politicians like Stacey Abrams, Julian Castro, Andrew Gillum and Ayanna Pressley. Later that summer, at the Democratic convention, Bruni sat down with two of those future leaders, Buttigieg and Abrams, for a Facebook Live interview.

“When I put the headline on it, ‘The First Gay President?’, I didn’t mean in 2020,” recalled Bruni. “Maybe 2024,” he added. “If I had anything in my mind, if all the cards fell the right way, and he was healthy and interested, maybe 2028.”

Though Buttigieg had gotten attention two years earlier in The Washington Post column “The Fix” for deploying to Afghanistan as mayor, Bruni’s column was the first on Buttigieg as a potential presidential contender in a leading national outlet and immediately elevated his profile, prompting South Bend Tribune reporters to ask the mayor about his White House ambitions.

“I get that headlines are written to be provocative and get clicks, but it’s obviously pretty far-fetched,” Buttigieg told the Tribune at the time. “I’m dealing with potholes and animal control, and I’m really excited about the job that I have, which is mayor.”

Nonetheless, Times readers looking for a Democratic savior long before 2024 or 2028 might’ve been swayed by Bruni’s introduction to the mayor of South Bend.

“If you went into some laboratory to concoct a perfect Democratic candidate, you’d be hard pressed to improve on Pete Buttigieg,” Bruni began the column, which noted the mayor’s education at Harvard and Oxford, his military service and Christian faith, and accomplishments when it comes to TEDx talks, half-marathons, speaking Arabic, and playing piano.

Indeed, elements of Buttigieg’s resume — Rhodes scholar, military veteran — have provided fodder for numerous profiles this election cycle. But his decision to come out as gay, which hadn’t happened when he deployed to Afghanistan and got mentioned in “The Fix,” added an unusual element to his unique political ascension that played a significant role in Bruni’s 2016 column.

“Could we look up a dozen or more years from now and see a same-sex couple in the White House?” wondered Bruni, who is also gay. He closed the piece by urging readers to “keep an eye on him.”

At that point, the Midwestern mayor had little footprint in the Times. Buttigieg co-wrote a couple of op-eds during his 20s on political party platforms and Somalia, respectively, and appeared in a two stories from South Bend on fixing abandoned houses and at a Studebaker event.

Bruni and Buttigieg met publicly again in early February 2019, two months before the mayor officially became a presidential candidate. Bruni interviewed Buttigieg at the Brooklyn Public Library upon the publication of his memoir. Bruni and fellow columnist Gail Collins also invited Buttigieg to the Times to meet with some opinion colleagues, an informal discussion that they’ve similarly had this year with candidates such as Sens. Kamala Harris and Cory Booker and Montana Governor Steve Bullock.

Bruni has interviewed Buttigieg this year for the Times, while also revisiting his 2016 column when arguing in April that Buttigieg is “gay enough" – a response to critics who claimed that Buttigieg’s straight-laced demeanor doesn’t fully embody gay culture. Bruni also cited his 2016 piece in a column last month headlined, “The Agonizing Imperfection of Pete Buttigieg.”

“If I dreamed up an ideal Democratic opponent for President Trump in 2020, I’d locate that candidate in the industrial Midwest,” Bruni wrote. He listed other attributes: “relatively young,” not a Washington insider, fluent on religion, and can “lay claim to being a trailblazer.” Buttigieg met all the criteria.

“But I have the damnedest time imagining him in the White House in 2021, and that’s depressing the hell out of me,” wrote Bruni, who believes Buttigieg’s age, 37, remains a glaring imperfection.

Bruni, who is 55, has held roles at the Times ranging from White House reporter to restaurant critic. He became an opinion writer in 2011. While Bruni has written approvingly of Buttigieg and more harshly of other candidates, such as former Vice President Joe Biden — and once dreamed of a Harris-Buttigieg ticket — he doesn’t see the columnist’s role as telling readers whom to support.

“Even if it was within the tradition and the norm for columnists to say, ‘Here’s who you should vote for,’ I would be stumped,” he said. “The number one consideration is who has the best chance of beating Trump,” said Bruni, adding that anybody who claims to know that answer is guessing.

Bruni hasn’t been alone at the Times in imagining Buttigieg’s name on the ballot in November 2020. Fellow columnist Nicholas Kristoff floated the idea of a Sen. Elizabeth Warren-Buttigieg ticket, or perhaps Buttigieg-Warren.

The candidate has also received praise from conservative columnist Bret Stephens, who called Buttigieg “by far the most politically gifted person in the field.” Columnist David Leonhardt wrote early on that the millennial Buttigieg “deserved a hearing,” and then did just that months later by interviewing him for “The Argument” podcast.

Buttigieg has received unflattering coverage, too, with columnist Charles Blow recently highlighting the candidate’s failure attracting black voters and arguing that homophobia isn’t to blame.

Bruni reiterated that he believes Buttigieg would have a better shot if he were perhaps five years older, though noted the weekend Iowa poll suggested “his age may be less of an obstacle for voters than I would have expected it to be.”

The nomination remains up for grabs, and Buttigieg has so far failed to gain African-American support, a major hurdle in states such as South Carolina. But Axelrod, who recalled meeting Buttigieg a year before recommending him to Bruni, said he’s been impressed.

“I am not surprised that he has exceeded expectations,” he told POLITICO, “but no one could honestly have predicted how well this would come together for him.”

While early pieces in the Post and Times helped put Buttigieg on the national media map, he has also embarked on an ambitious media strategy to boost his profile this election cycle, which has included engaging with a wide variety of outlets and fielding questions from reporters for hours during bus tours through Iowa and New Hampshire

Bruni credits Buttigieg’s facility with the news media, which he witnessed up close over two days in South Bend, as a major asset to his candidacy.

“He’s someone who has the mental acuity and the energy and the fluency to be talking all day long and to pretty much always say what he meant to say, and to react to things spontaneously with some precision and eloquence and wit,” said Bruni. “And that’s not easy.”[6]

Early influences

Excerpted from Shortest Way Home: One Mayor's Challenge and a Model for America's Future by Pete Buttigieg.[7]

Mom and Dad sent me to St. Joseph High School, the Catholic school up the hill from our place, housed in a 1950s- era tan brick building sometimes confused for a light industrial structure due to the surprisingly high smokestack of its old incinerator. This offered its own sort of political education. At Saint Joe, we were brought up not only to learn Church doctrine on matters like sexuality and abortion, but also to understand the history of the Church as a voice for the oppressed and downtrodden. At all- school mass in the bleachers of the airy, aging gym, we would pray for the various places and peoples around the world experiencing oppression.
My adjustment to high school life first unfolded under the command of Father Bly, who presided from an elevated desk with a dog- eared Bible on it...
Occasionally he would lighten things up by passing out copies from what must have been a mountainous library of National Geographic back issues, so we could look at pictures of the Holy Land or something else he considered interesting. Once, he distributed an issue that contained satellite photos of subdivisions and golf courses being built in the deserts of Arizona, made possible by irrigation schemes that diverted water from the Colorado River. You could see the giant green squares in the satellite imagery, surrounded by barren sand and mountains. There are whole towns in Mexico, he explained, where the riverbed now runs dry because the water is drained upstream in the American Southwest. Next came the moral of the story:

“This weekend, you will probably go to the University Park Mall, and you may run into some atheists,” he pronounced, lingering on the consonants at the end of the word, hissing a little, atheisssttsss, without losing his aloof posture and hundred- yard stare.
“These atheists will tell you, ‘There is no God, there is no heaven, and there is no hell.’ And how will you answer them? You will tell them, of course there is a God, and a heaven and a hell. There must be a hell. Because where else would you put the man who built this golf course!”

In government class, we were shown the 1989 film Romero, in which Raul Julia plays the Salvadoran bishop assassinated in 1980 by right- wing paramilitary after challenging the ruling elites in El ­Salvador. Shocked that this could have happened within living memory with what looked like American complicity, I began paying more attention to human rights. The school had a small chapter of Amnesty International, which raised a few hundred dollars a year and conducted letter- writing campaigns. I joined and eventually became president of the six- or- so- strong group. Here came an early lesson in the realities of organizing— it was nearly impossible to get people to volunteer to help write letters to political prisoners at the little card table I put up outside the lunch hall, but we got hundreds to come to the Battle of the Bands organized to raise money for the club.
I got onto every mailing list I could, and from every political persuasion, from the local Republican Party to the Democratic Socialists of America. I wanted to find out how people went about being involved in ways more impactful than lonely letter- writing campaigns. And I decided to try my hand at leadership in student government, first losing an election for student body treasurer but then winning one for senior class president. In an assembly in the dining hall, the five or so candidates for class president gave our short speeches, using a closed- top trash can as a kind of makeshift podium, and once the scraps of paper got counted up, I had won my first election.

When I got home one day and saw a letter from Harvard on the mail table, I didn’t get my hopes up too much. It was not a thick envelope. I feigned nonchalance, setting my backpack down before heading back to pick up the letter that might hold a key to my future, while my parents kept a discreet but unconvincing distance in the living room. I usually open letters with my finger, but this one deserved a letter opener. Pulling out the page of watermarked paper, I read the opening line over and over again: “I am delighted to inform you . . .”
Slowly, I allowed myself to believe the letter from this dean of admissions, and by the time I studied the bottom, with a little “Hope you will join us” written in ballpoint pen near the signature, it felt like the establishment had thrown its doors open and beckoned me inside.
All I had to do was leave South Bend.
I had never been to Boston, but I wound up going twice during that last semester of high school. The first was a planned college visit after I got admitted, sleeping on the floor of a freshman dorm and learning what to expect from the campus, at least physically. The second was an all- expense- paid trip that came as even more of a surprise than the admission to Harvard.
At the urging of my teachers, I had submitted an entry to an essay contest sponsored by the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library as part of their annual Profile in Courage Award. Around South Bend, President Kennedy was on par with Lincoln. As the first Catholic president, he had won the undying loyalty of the white ethnic working class, and as the man who had invited America to shoot for the moon, he was the first example of presidential leadership that I had understood as a child. Participating in the contest seemed almost like a duty.
I worked for days on an essay about Carolyn McCarthy, who had run for Congress on gun policy issues after her husband was shot and killed on the Long Island Rail Road. I had nearly finished the essay when I went online to research a couple last details— and found out that the previous year’s winner had written about the same person. I would have to start from scratch.
Rushing to come up with an alternate plan, I decided to write about someone I had found even more interesting, if a little more edgy politically. An obscure Vermont congressman, Bernie Sanders, had been reelected for years as a socialist— in a (then) generally Republican state. At a time when vagueness and opportunism in politics seemed to be the order of the day, here was an elected official who succeeded by being totally transparent and relentless about his values. “Socialist” was the dirtiest word in politics, yet he won because people saw that he came by his values honestly. Regardless of whether you agreed politically, it certainly seemed like a profile in courage to me.
Years later, when I was running for mayor, I would check my mailbox one morning and find a mass mailing from the local Republican Party (I guess I was still on the list) warning that Pete Buttigieg was dangerously leftist, citing the high school essay as proof. I wasn’t too worried about it— by then even many local Republicans were supporting me— but it prompted me to go back and find the essay.
It definitely reads like something written by a high schooler, starting with the opening sentence: “In this new century, there are a daunting number of important issues which are to be confronted if we are to progress as a nation.” Other comments fit the times then but no longer ring true— such as when I lamented that a strong conservative like Pat Buchanan “has been driven off the ideological edge” of an increasingly centrist Republican Party. But the basic premise still holds: that candidates for office can easily develop “an ability to outgrow their convictions in order to win power,” and that Sanders was an inspiring exception.
Also impressive to me then was the fact that Sanders often worked across the aisle, collaborating with Republicans when possible and using his position as the only independent in Congress to drive dialogue on issues like trade. The lesson here, which Sanders himself would demonstrate some twenty years later when he ran for president, was that bipartisanship and appeal to independents was not the same thing as ideological centrism. I wrote that Sanders’s “real impact has been as a reaction to the cynical climate which threatens the effectiveness of the democratic system.”

I had forgotten about the contest until one day in March, when one of my teachers appeared, beaming, in the hall and pulled me aside after class. I had won first prize, she said, and would be flown to the library in Boston to meet the award committee and accept the scholarship money that went along with it.
My eyes widened as people I had only read about in the news milled about, holding soft drinks. The lanky and cheerful Senator Al Simpson, Republican from Wyoming, widely known as one of the wittiest members of Congress, began talking to me as if we’d known each other for years. (I was too new around politics to realize that for him this was a professional skill as well as a personal quality.) “You have to keep a sense of humor, otherwise they’ll chew your ass and it’ll get you down,” he advised. A distinguished- looking journalist named John Seigenthaler casually mentioned that he had launched USA Today, while another elderly patrician gentleman dropped that he had once chaired the Democratic National Committee.

Dignified and quiet, Caroline Kennedy was standing a little apart from the other guests with her three children at her side, looking as much like an attentive mother as like the American political royalty she was. Then, I had my first experience of the feeling in a room when a very famous person walks in. The energy of the room shifted perceptibly, and I turned to see the arrival of Senator Ted Kennedy, “the Lion of the Senate.” Moving slowly but with a kind of fire in his crisp blue eyes that made him all at the same time seem fierce and warm, he was heralded by the kids yelling, “Uncle Teddy!” as they rushed from Caroline’s side into his enormous embrace.

2000 Profile in Courage Essay Contest

2000 Essay Contest Winner Peter Buttigieg.[8]

Bernie Sanders

By Peter Buttigieg, St. Joseph’s High School, South Bend, Indiana.

In this new century, there are a daunting number of important issues which are to be confronted if we are to progress as a nation. Each must be addressed thoroughly and energetically. But in order to accomplish the collective goals of our society, we must first address how we deal with issues. We must re-examine the psychological and political climate of American politics. As it stands, our future is at risk due to a troubling tendency towards cynicism among voters and elected officials. The successful resolution of every issue before us depends on the fundamental question of public integrity.
Cynical candidates have developed an ability to outgrow their convictions in order to win power. Cynical citizens have given up on the election process, going to the polls at one of the lowest rates in the democratic world. Such an atmosphere inevitably distances our society from its leadership and is thus a fundamental threat to the principles of democracy. It also calls into question what motivates a run for office – in many cases, apparently, only the desire to occupy it. Fortunately for the political process, there remain a number of committed individuals who are steadfast enough in their beliefs to run for office to benefit their fellow Americans. Such people are willing to eschew political and personal comfort and convenience because they believe they can make a difference. One outstanding and inspiring example of such integrity is the country’s only Independent Congressman, Vermont’s Bernie Sanders.

Sanders’ courage is evident in the first word he uses to describe himself: “Socialist”. In a country where Communism is still the dirtiest of ideological dirty words, in a climate where even liberalism is considered radical, and Socialism is immediately and perhaps willfully confused with Communism, a politician dares to call himself a socialist? He does indeed. Here is someone who has “looked into his own soul” and expressed an ideology, the endorsement of which, in today’s political atmosphere, is analogous to a self-inflicted gunshot wound. Even though he has lived through a time in which an admitted socialist could not act in a film, let alone hold a Congressional seat, Sanders is not afraid to be candid about his political persuasion.
After numerous political defeats in his traditionally Republican state, Sanders won the office of mayor of Burlington by ten votes. A successful and popular mayor, he went on to win Vermont’s one Congressional seat in 1990. Since then, he has taken many courageous and politically risky stands on issues facing the nation. He has come under fire from various conservative religious groups because of his support for same-sex marriages. His stance on gun control led to NRA-organized media campaigns against him. Sanders has also shown creativity in organizing drug-shopping trips to Canada for senior citizens to call attention to inflated drug prices in the United States.
While impressive, Sanders’ candor does not itself represent political courage. The nation is teeming with outspoken radicals in one form or another. Most are sooner called crazy than courageous. It is the second half of Sanders’ political role that puts the first half into perspective: he is a powerful force for conciliation and bi-partisanship on Capitol Hill. In Profiles in Courage, John F. Kennedy wrote that “we should not be too hasty in condemning all compromise as bad morals. For politics and legislation are not matters for inflexible principles or unattainable ideals.” It may seem strange that someone so steadfast in his principles has a reputation as a peacemaker between divided forces in Washington, but this is what makes Sanders truly remarkable. He represents President Kennedy’s ideal of “compromises of issues, not of principles.”
Sanders has used his unique position as the lone Independent Congressman to help Democrats and Republicans force hearings on the internal structure of the International Monetary Fund, which he sees as excessively powerful and unaccountable. He also succeeded in quietly persuading reluctant Republicans and President Clinton to ban the import of products made by under-age workers. Sanders drew some criticism from the far left when he chose to grudgingly endorse President Clinton’s bids for election and re-election as President. Sanders explained that while he disagreed with many of Clinton’s centrist policies, he felt that he was the best option for America’s working class.

Socialism OK

February 10 2019 Presidential hopeful Pete Buttigieg dismissed President Trump's efforts to portray Democratic policy pitches as "socialism," arguing that the term no longer carries negative connotations.

“I think he's clinging to a rhetorical strategy that was very powerful when he was coming of age 50 years ago, but it's just a little bit different right now," Buttigieg, the South Bend, Ind., mayor who has launched an exploratory committee to run for president, said on CNN's "State of the Union."

"Today, I think a word like that is the beginning of a debate, not the end of the debate," he added.

Trump has in recent weeks attempted to tie Democrats and their more progressive ideas to socialism, and pointed to the state of affairs in Venezuela as a potential consequence. During last week's State of the Union address, he pledged that "America will never be a socialist country."

Buttigieg, who is 37, said someone close to his age is unlikely to reject a policy proposal simply because a critic calls it socialist.

"If someone my age or younger is weighing a policy idea, and somebody comes along and says, you can't do that, it's socialist, I think our answer is going to be, OK, is it a good idea or is it not?" he said.

"So, I think the word has mostly lost its meaning," Buttigieg added. "And it's certainly lost its ability to be used as a kill switch on debate."[9]

Tony Flora connection


Housing Forum - 2nd event by Indivisible2

March 29, 2018 at Radio Station WUBS.


Panelists: Mr. James Mueller, Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Ms. Alkenya Aldridge, Ms. Regina Williams-Preston

Moderator: Mr. Nate Levin-Aspenson

Supporting Honeywell strike

“The workers didn’t crawl back to work, they walked back to work.” This is how Lee Gloster, a Teamster and longtime South Bend labor activist, summed up the outcome of the 10-month lockout that Honeywell International inflicted on UAW members of Local 9 (South Bend, IN) and Local 1508 (Green Island, NY) in 2017.

The compromise settlement came after months of reduced output, and just 11 days after 150+ Local #9 members and supporters joined in a spirited “Return to Our Roots” solidarity rally held February 11, 2017. UAW Local 5, the other South Bend UAW local (representing Humvee and Mercedes assemblers and, formerly, Studebaker workers), hosted the rally. Organizers, including the UAW #9 officers, chose that date to coincide with the UAW’s 80th anniversary of the Flint, Michigan Sit-down Strike.

In 1937, the militant autoworkers forced GM to recognize their union. At the rally’s conclusion, locked-out workers and supporters drove to the gates at Honeywell to form a mass picket. They boisterously disrupted a line of vans attempting to transport replacement workers out of the plant to their motel rooms (paid for by Honeywell). Picketers chanted, “to hell with Honeywell!” and “one day longer, one day stronger!”

Four staff members representing South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg supported the mass picket (Buttigieg was in Washington DC).

City Councilwoman Regina Williams-Preston, North Central Indiana AFL-CIO President Tony Flora, and Mayor Buttigieg representative Cherri Peate were at the picket line. [10]


Jeffrey Roberts July 26, 2018.


Myself, South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg, 2nd Congressional candidate Mel Hall, and State Representative house district 7 Joe Taylor III at Honeywell.

South Bend Labor

Joe Taylor III July 27, 2018:


With Marc Snyder, Cindy Eastman Kilgore, Joseph Carbone, Mel Hall, Bobby Kruszynski, Diana Hess, Tony Flora, Pete Buttigieg, Joe Canarecci, Sharon McBride, Oliver James Davis, Jr., Jeffrey Roberts.

La Casa de Amistad connection

Kent Staters meet Buttigieg

La Casa de Amistad March 28 2019·


This week Kent State University students dedicated their Spring Break to doing service at La Casa de Amistad and on the West Side of South Bend. From a neighborhood cleanup, to working in our pantry, and even doing work at the 2910 West Side SB office, we can't thank them enough for their time.

Visit from Mayor Pete


"No human being is illegal"

La Casa de Amistad August 14, 2017 ·


With Juan Constantino, Allison Smith, Jurek Winston Shultz and Sam Centellas.

South Bend Community Resident Card


On January 3rd, 2017 La Casa de Amistad began taking appointments to provide the new South Bend Community Resident Card (SB ID).

La Casa de Amistad partnered with SF Global, LLC to create the verification system for the ID Cards. SF Global is managing municipal IDs for several cities around the country, including Oakland, CA, Richmond, CA and Detroit, MI.

We are working with South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg, South Bend Common Council, and local businesses as partners in providing support to vulnerable populations that have difficulty obtaining photo identification. We are still looking for local businesses who will accept the SB ID as photo identification.
In the fall of 2014 the Social Justice committee from the St. Adalbert’s parish started working on ideas to address concerns from parishioners who had difficulty obtaining identification. In the early 2015 the committee approached community leaders, Mayor Pete Buttigieg and common council members about the idea of a city ID program. With the support of Karen White from Common Council, and Mayor Pete and his staff plans began for a local identification program. Through the work of the committee, the Common Council and the Office of the Mayor, it was decided to launch an ID program through La Casa de Amistad using SF Global for verification.[11]

April 2019 Pete Buttigieg told a New Hampshire town hall meeting said he that he didn’t know if he ran a sanctuary city, but the police force doesn’t enforce federal immigration laws.

“I regard us as a welcoming city. Some conservative talk show host may say that makes us a sanctuary city. I don’t know,” He said South Bend welcomed all people regardless of whether they are in the country legally.

“The president thinks America is full. We’re not,” he said, adding that he supported a path to citizenship for the roughly 11 million illegal immigrants living in the U.S.[12]

Defending DACA



Preview of the acclaimed film, The Hand that Feeds.

Panel discussion featuring

Question and answer period moderated by

WHEN: Thursday, April 30, 2015 5:30 p.m.

WHERE: St. Joseph County Public Library Humphreys Room 304 South Main Street, South Bend.

JwJ connection


NIAC praise

July 16 2019 Washington DC – Moments ago, Reps. Barbara Lee, Jan Schakowsky, and David Price introduced a resolution calling for the United States to return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), or Iran deal, from which President Trump withdrew in May 2018.

In response, NIAC President Jamal Abdi issued the following statement:

Donald Trump’s decision to abandon the Iran nuclear deal has put the U.S. on the brink of war with Iran and threatened to undo the hard won constraints against Iran’s nuclear program. Thankfully, many Members of Congress recognize that there is no military solution to the present crisis, and that the best way to de-escalate is for the U.S. to return to compliance with the nuclear deal. Representatives Lee, Schakowsky and Price should be commended for their years of leadership in advancing peace and diplomacy, including by introducing this important resolution.

“NIAC strongly supports a U.S. return to its JCPOA commitments and first issued a white paper in support of such a move last November. We proudly supported the DNC’s adoption of a resolution committing to return the U.S. to its JCPOA commitments. And we advocated for and welcome the strong majority of Democratic Presidential contenders who have also committed to returning to our diplomatic obligations — including Warren, Sanders, Harris, Buttigieg, Biden, Gabbard, and O’Rourke.

Ellison, Carson connection

Wilson E. Allen May 5, 2017:


Our Indianapolis Congressman Andre Carson (D IN-7) with fellow Congressman Keith Ellison and South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg — at Indianapolis Convention Center.

Campaign staff

State staff